By the time you read this your very first president of the European Union has been appointed. If you missed out on this, you're not to blame; there is more transparency involved in the election of the Grandmaster of the Freemasons. So what’s the deal and who is this fellow? Sit tight and read on.
On the eve of Thursday the 19th of November 2009 Herman Van Rompuy, current prime minister of Belgium, was appointed as President-elect of the European Council. After the treaty of Lisbon finally got ratified, it was only a matter of time before the hotshots of the EU would gather to find a so-called President and a minster of Foreign Affairs for the reformed union.
A couple of things became clear - in so far one was ever to discern any clarity throughout this affair - from the start: it had to be a current or former PM of a small member state; preferably a founding state of the union. The European People's Party and Party of European Socialists, the two biggest factions in the Union, had agreed that the latter would get the post of foreign minister while the former would get the president.
In practice this meant that the most likely candidates would be one of the current Pms of the BENELUX countries (Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxemburg): respectively Herman Van Rompuy, Jan-Pieter Balkenende or Jean-Claude Juncker. The most likely candidate for the position of foreign minister would be the current British labour Secretary for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, David Milliband. The latter publicly pulled back, however, because he wants to join the UK elections in 2010. As a result, Tony Blair appeared again as candidate for the EU presidency.
Before that point Van Rompuy was most likely to secure this position. Besides the former “requirements” he had one major advantage, as one commentator put it: “If you can govern a country with six parliaments and 50 ministers, you’re well able to govern the EU”. Yet Van Rompuy had also one major drawback: nobody outside of Belgium had ever heard about him. Van Rompuy had the image of a dusty cleric, compared to international political rock star Tony Blair.
The choice between Van Rompuy and Blair – as is there ever really was a choice for us lowly outsiders – stood symbol for the debate about the weight that the future president should have: Would he become a major international figure, capable of “stopping the traffic in Beijing”, or merely a primus inter pares who would not steal the EU’s current national leaders’ thunder?
The candidacy of Blair, later publicly backed by Gordon Brown, was a worst case scenario for Van Rompuy’s Belgian supporters (the man himself never applied for the job and secretly turned it down twice ‘cause there wasn’t enough support yet). It would not have been the first time that the British would thwart a Belgian from getting a top EU job. This scenario had happened with former PM’s Jean-Luc Dehaene in 1994 and Guy Verhofstadt in 2004, when both had most chances to become president of the European Commission, but were ultimately vetoed by the UK for being “too federalist”.
Ultimately, Van Rompuy got the upper hand. Many people had not forgotten Blair’s support for the US’s war against Iraq, which had deeply divided the EU. Van Rompuy was able to gather most support behind him, especially that of Germany and France. As a compromise, Lady “Cathy” Ashton became foreign minister.
At the age of 62, Herman Van Rompuy has become the very first president of the European Union. For Belgium this is both a triumph and a tragedy. To understand this paradox and the figure of Van Rompuy it’s necessary to dig a little in recent Belgian political history.
Between World War Two and 1999 the christian democrats were the dominant political party in Belgium. They were a conservative centrist party, so accustomed to being in power - not unlike Fianna Fáil in Ireland – that they identified themselves as upholders of the Belgian state.
Van Rompuy became the party's president (1988-1993) and established a reputation as an intellectual and moralist with a stronge sense of Christian values; he vehemently opposed the legalisation of abortion in Belgium and maneouvred to bring down his successor when the latter divorced his wife. Between 1993 and 1999 he was deputy PM and minister of budget. It's because of his efforts in the latter department that Belgium made it to the Euro-zone.
In 1999 the christian democrats were ousted from power for the first time in decades, however, and replaced by a coalition of liberals and socialists. The party ended up in opposition for eight years and went through a deep crisis. They changed their name from 'Christian People's Party' to 'Christian, Democratic & Flemish' and formed an alliance with the democratic Flemish nationalists. As a result the party's discourse shifted from centrist Belgian to rightwing Flemish.
For Van Rompuy the defeat of 1999 meant giving up on his ambition to become PM. Instead he devoted himself these years to contemplation and writing poetry; he would become especially fond of the Japanese Haiku which he considered to be “the unachievable ideal of simplicity”.
In 2007 the christian democrats struck back and scored a landslide victory during federal elections under the leadership of Yves Leterme. Van Rompuy became President of the Belgian Chamber of Represantatives. He had imagined it to be a nice end to a distinguished political career. Events would turn out to be quite different though.
This victory had been made possible through a nationalistic campaign which had severely antagonized the French speaking part of Belgium. In both regions a battle of rhetorics ensued in which neither side wanted to yield. As a result, for six months there would be no federal government.
Van Rompuy was send in as diplomat to negotiate a compromise between the two sides. At this stage he had become the last of the Mohicans in his party. The christian democrats' new Flemish discourse, largely inspired by their Nationalist partners, had never been his. At one point he even said: “I don't understand my party anymore. Sad little men".
In the end Leterme had to throw the towel in the ring. Guy Verhofstadt, former liberal PM, had to jump into the breach and form an emergency government which would tackle the most urgent issues for three months until Leterme could assume real power.
The new government was a monstrosity consisting of both regions' liberal and christian democrat parties plus the French speaking socialists. They all resented each other and were unwilling to grant one of their partners even the slightest chance of success. At the end of 2008 the government finally fell as result of the financial crisis, in which Leterme was suspected to have intervened in the separation of powers.
At this stage the Belgian federal system was in such a sorry state that nobody was willing to become PM. After many urgent pleas a reluctant Van Rompuy was finally pursuaded to accept the head of government. Where Leterme had failed several times, he would eventually succeed.
The new PM managed to restore trust and a sense of cooperation in this unholy alliance. Where people had feared the end of Belgium during Leterme's tenure, he managed to smooth tensions. Contrary to Leterme, Van Rompuy possesses the subtleties of diplomacy and the art of making compromises; which is the way business was done in Belgium during the old days.
Herman Van Rompuy has reached a point in life were he has become totally unimpressed by the vanities of power. Two years ago he expected to end his political career peacefully. Against all expectations he then became Belgian PM and now finds himself in charge of the world's strongest economic power. Given his track record, there's reason to believe he will manage the 27 member states wisely and adequately.
The same, however, can not be said about his successor. Now that Van Rompuy is out of the way, Yves Leterme will become Belgian PM again since nobody else can approach his electoral success. A man who had to resign his function four times between summer 2007 and fall 2008. A man void of finesse, unwilling to compromise and who harbours a deep grudge against his opponents (real or perceived). A recipe for disaster has once again hit the menu.